English

1. (LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Use context to determine the meaning of the phrase in bold. (4 points)

I have ascertained that
I can confirm that
I will instruct you that
I hope to learn that

2. (LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Use context to determine the meaning of the phrase in bold. (4 points)

This person even started me
This story even delighted me
This promise even prevented me
This decision even allowed me

3. (MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Read the following lines from the passage:

I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have

never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling.

Which comes closest to capturing Lincoln’s true meaning in this passage? (4 points)

I believe in abolishing slavery, but I know the majority of the people do not support it.
I do not believe in forcing my beliefs on the people just because I am the president.
I do not believe that the presidency gives me the authority to abolish slavery.
Those who support abolishing slavery should look to another government authority.

4. (MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Which is the best restatement of the following sentence?

Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. (4 points)

I assumed I would make the right decision.
I have not yet made the right decision.
I made my decision and stand by it.
My decision may be right or wrong.

5. (MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Lincoln’s decision to arm black soldiers occurred at what point? (4 points)

As soon as he realized military emancipation would not work
As soon as he was convinced that Northern generals would agree
Only once he was convinced it was necessary to save the Union
Only once he was convinced that Southerners would abolish slavery

6. (LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

In this document, President Lincoln is trying to (4 points)

sound conversational and friendly
formally explain something important
make an acquaintance become an enemy
start a secondary war

7. (LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

In the sentence in bold, President Lincoln states that saving slavery would likely lead to something else. What would it lead to? (4

points)

Increased government control
Upholding essential Constitutional elements
The destruction of the government
A new form of capitalism

8. (LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and

Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and

yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It

was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could

not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using

the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract

judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have

done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve

the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that

nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely

given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation

of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that

to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the

wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an

indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,

because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade

it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive

appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and

arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the

alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the

latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

In a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln’s meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and

grammar. (5 points)

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9. (LC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and

declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation

between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or

disturbed.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within

any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,

thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,

will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any

efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in

which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people

thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections

wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing

testimony, be deemedconclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points)

Confusing
Expensive
Confirmed
Extravagant

10. (MC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and

declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation

between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or

disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to

the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States

and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery

within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or

elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within

any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,

thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,

will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any

efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in

which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people

thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections

wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing

testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “An Act to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, and

which act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the

following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed

and observed as such:

Article -. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces

under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to

whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article

shall be dismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

What is Lincoln’s purpose in writing this document? (4 points)

To explain the moral reasons for abolishing slavery
To outline the practical effects of abolishing slavery
To force Congress to convene to abolish slavery
To force Congress to convene to end the Civil War

11. (MC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and

declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation

between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or

disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to

the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States

and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery

within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or

elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within

any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,

thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,

will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any

efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in

which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people

thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections

wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing

testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “An Act to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, and

which act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the

following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed

and observed as such:

Article -. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces

under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to

whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article

shall be dismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

Read the passage below:

“All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their

respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such

service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be

dismissed from the service.”

Which sentence below comes closest to capturing the meaning of this passage? (4 points)

All members of the military have a duty to return freed slaves to their former owners.
Any member of the military caught returning slaves to former owners will be dismissed.
Former owners attempting to stop freed slaves from leaving will be court-martialed.
Freed slaves attempting to join the military will be immediately court-martialed.

12. (HC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and

declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation

between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or

disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to

the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States

and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery

within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or

elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within

any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,

thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,

will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any

efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in

which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people

thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections

wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing

testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “An Act to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, and

which act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the

following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed

and observed as such:

Article -. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces

under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to

whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article

shall be dismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

What is the reasoning behind Lincoln’s referring to the South as “the rebellion”?

Why does he continually use this term?

Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points)

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13. (LC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and

for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all

nations.

What does the phrase bind up the nation’s wounds mean? (4 points)

Confine
Limit
Secure
Wrap

14. (LC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and

for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all

nations.

What does the word cherish mean as used in this sentence? (4 points)

Adore
Harbor
Idolize
Nurture

15. (MC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be

sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years

ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.

Which of the following best explains the effect of the phrase until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn

with the sword? (4 points)

It creates a sense of honored fairness.
It creates a sense of sorrow and grief.
It suggests a feeling of suffering and pain.
It suggests a much-deserved justice.

16. (MC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces;

but let us judge not that we be not judged.

Which of the following best describes the effect of the word wringing in this sentence? (4 points)

It implies concern and worry.
It implies drying and refreshing.
It implies torment and struggle.
It implies twisting and turning.